Secrets In Stone: Gabe (DOMA Origins)

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After their release authorities frequently asked them to return for further questioning. Security force personnel arbitrarily arrested numerous persons during the year. Human rights groups accused the government and security forces of arbitrarily arresting male inhabitants of Maiduguri or family members of suspected militants following Boko Haram attacks. The number of such cases remained unknown, but AI and HRW catalogued examples of such cases throughout the year. Security forces detained journalists and demonstrators during the year see sections 2.

Unlike in the previous year, there were few reports EFCC officials singled out political opponents of the governing party in their arrest and detention of state, local, and federal government officials on corruption charges during the year. These allegations tended to rise and fall with election cycles see section 4. Counsel for the convicted men said they would appeal the judgment. Pretrial Detention : Lengthy pretrial detention remained a serious problem, and human rights groups reported detainees awaiting trial constituted 72 percent of the prison population, with some awaiting trial more than 10 years.

At year's end 36, pretrial detainees were held in the country's prisons, out of a total of 50, prisoners. The shortage of trial judges, serious trial backlogs, endemic corruption, and undue political influence continued to hamper the judicial system. Multiple adjournments in some cases resulted in serious delays. Many detainees did not have trials because police had insufficient vehicles to transport them to court on their trial dates.

The NHRC reported some detainees were held because authorities had lost their case files. Some state governments released inmates who were already detained for longer than the potential maximum sentences they would have received if found guilty. Although detainees had the right to submit complaints to the NHRC, the commission had yet to act on any complaint see section 5. Detainees could try to complain to the courts but often found this approach impossible.

Even detainees with legal representation often waited years to gain access to the courts. In September the press reported Attorney General and Minister of Justice Mohammed Bello Adoke gave the Prison Decongestion Committee, established in July , 90 days to free inmates who should not have been incarcerated.

The nine-member committee, headed by the permanent secretary in the ministry, Alhaji Abdullahi Yola, toured prisons in all 36 states as part of the process. Prison decongestion "contracts" were often awarded to legal groups or professionals who received payment to implement decongestion plans but often did not execute the contract.

By year's end there was no word of the permanent release of any inmates. In June another committee on prison decongestion established by the acting inspector general of police released suspects on bail and recommended the speedy trial of other detainees. Amnesty : In August the wife of the Adamawa state governor arranged for the release of pretrial inmates from the Adamawa state prisons.

She secured their release to help decongest the prison system. Although the constitution and law provide for an independent judiciary, the judicial branch remained susceptible to pressure from the executive and legislative branches and the business sector. Political leaders influenced the judiciary, particularly at the state and local levels. Understaffing, underfunding, inefficiency, and corruption continued to prevent the judiciary from functioning adequately.

Judges frequently failed to appear for trials, often because they were pursuing other sources of income and sometimes because of threats against them. In addition court officials often lacked the proper equipment, training, and motivation to perform their duties, with the lack of motivation primarily due to inadequate compensation. During the year Supreme Court judges called for a more independent judiciary.

Salami had accused Katsina-Alu of interfering in the proceedings of the Sokoto state gubernatorial court case. In an attempt to settle the dispute, the NJC set up three panels to investigate the disagreement. The panels declared neither justice was at fault, declared the issue resolved, and requested Salami apologize to the NJC and Katsina-Alu.

The Nigerian Bar Association reached contrary findings, and Salami refused to apologize. On May 10, in response to a petition from an organization called Stakeholders Judicial Reform Committee, the NJC reversed its earlier recommendation and called on the federal government to reinstate Justice Salami. However, since Justice Salami had filed an appeal of his dismissal before the Court of Appeals, the federal government refrained from taking action while the case was pending.

On September 5, Appeals Court Justice Hussain Muktar dismissed Justice Salami's appeal without prejudice, ruling Justice Salami had failed to provide sufficient records of the proceedings against him for the court to reach a decision. There was no indication the federal government would take any action to reinstate Justice Salami as long as his appeal was pending. The case raised questions regarding the partisan nature and level of independence within the judiciary. Salami appealed the ruling, and the court case continued at year's end. The Ministry of Justice implemented strict requirements for education and length of service for judges at the federal and state level; however, no requirements or monitoring bodies existed for judges at the local level, which resulted in corruption and miscarriages of justice in those courts.

Sharia and customary traditional courts of appeal function in 12 northern states and the FCT. The constitution also provides the government should establish a federal Sharia court of appeal and a final court of appeal, but authorities had not done so by year's end. The constitution provides that states may establish courts based on common-law or customary-law systems. The law also provides states may elect to use the Sharia penal code in the courts. While Sharia courts have operated throughout the North for centuries, in Sharia courts received authority to also hear criminal cases and pass sentences based on the Sharia penal code, which outlines hadd offenses and punishments, including caning, amputation, and death by stoning.

The nature of a case usually determined which court had jurisdiction. The impetus to establish Sharia courts stemmed at least in part from inefficiency, expense, and corruption in the regular court system. Defendants have the right to challenge the constitutionality of Sharia criminal statutes through the common-law appellate courts; however, no challenges with adequate legal standing reached the common-law appellate system.

The highest appellate court for Sharia-based decisions remained the Supreme Court, staffed by common law judges not required to have any formal training in the Sharia penal code. The constitution provides for public trials in the regular court system and individual rights in criminal and civil cases. The constitution does not provide for juries or the right to access government-held evidence. However, the criminal procedure act provides for this access, and the defendant can apply to access government-held evidence either directly or through a lawyer.

Defendants enjoy the right to presumption of innocence, to be informed promptly and in detail of the charges with free interpretation as necessary , to a fair and public trial without undue delay, to communicate with an attorney of choice or to have one provided at public expense , to adequate time and facilities to prepare defense, to confront witnesses against them and present witnesses and evidence, not to be compelled to testify or confess guilt, and to appeal.

Authorities did not always respect these rights. Although an accused person is entitled to counsel of his choice, no law prevents a trial from going forward without counsel, except for certain offenses for which the penalty is death. The Legal Aid Act provides for the appointment of counsel in such cases and stipulates that a trial should not go forward without it. Defendants were held in prison awaiting trial for well beyond the term allowed in the constitution see section 1.

Human rights groups alleged terror suspects detained by the military were denied their right to access to legal representation, due process, or the opportunity to be heard by a judicial authority. In both common law and customary courts including Sharia , indigent persons without representation were more likely to have their sentences carried out immediately, although all convicted persons have the right to appeal. The federal government instituted a panel of legal scholars in to draft a uniform Sharia penal code to replace divergent Sharia codes adopted by northern states; however, the panel did not produce a report, and states continued to apply their individual codes.

No legal provisions in common law barred women or other groups from testifying in civil or criminal proceedings or gave their testimony less weight, but the testimony of women and non-Muslims usually was accorded less weight in Sharia courts. Some qadis Sharia court judges allowed separate evidentiary requirements to prove adultery or fornication for male and female defendants. For women, pregnancy represented permissible evidence in some Sharia courts. In contrast, men could be convicted only if they confess or there is eyewitness testimony.

Sharia courts provided women with certain benefits, including increased access to divorce, child custody, and alimony. It remained significantly easier, faster, and cheaper to get an audience in a Sharia court than in a common law court. Members of the military who serve in the army, navy, or air force under the Armed Forces Act are subject to that act regarding civil and criminal matters.

Charges against members of the security forces accepted by a higher military authority are subject to trial by a four-member court-martial. The law provides for internal appeals before military councils, with a final appeal to the civilian Court of Appeals. Members of the armed forces charged with crimes committed while performing their duties during active service are liable to court-martial under the Armed Forces Act and not civilian criminal law. Al-Mustapha's attorneys announced they would file an appeal, but the appeal had not been heard by the court by year's end.

Authorities had arrested him on treason charges for, among other allegations, the assassination attempts on former president Olusegun Obasanjo and prominent prodemocracy activists. In the judge acquitted Al-Mustapha of the treason charges but continued to pursue charges for his alleged role in the killing of Abiola. During examination by the prosecution, Al-Mustapha claimed his confession of involvement in the death of Abiola was made under duress and therefore remained inadmissible as evidence.

The judge rejected the motion, and the court case continued. There were no reports of new political prisoners or detainees; however, persons arrested in previous years for alleged treason remained in detention at year's end. The constitution and law provide for an independent judiciary in civil matters. The executive, the legislature, and business interests, however, exerted undue influence and pressure in civil cases.

Official corruption and lack of will to implement court decisions also interfered with due process. The law provides for access to the courts for redress of grievances, and courts can award damages and issue injunctions to stop or prevent a human rights violation. However, the decisions of civil courts were difficult to enforce.

The law prohibits such actions, but authorities infringed on these rights during the year, and police entered homes without warrants. Human rights groups and the media reported security forces raided homes without warrants while searching for suspected Boko Haram militants. In some instances this occurred immediately following a bombing or attack by suspected militants.

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In others the security forces conducted searches and seizures during planned sweeps through neighborhoods in which they suspected Boko Haram militants resided. During the year the government did not punish family members for alleged offenses committed by individuals. However, reports indicated security forces arrested and detained the family members of suspected Boko Haram militants. In Abuja the Federal Capital Development Authority continued to threaten eviction of residents in communities not deemed in compliance with the Abuja city plan.

The FCT government typically claimed demolished homes, businesses, or churches lacked proper permits, even if owners were able to produce paperwork indicating the structures were built legally. No transparent legal process existed for deciding which homes would be demolished, and persons who lost homes lacked recourse to appeal and received no compensation.

Many observers viewed the demolitions as motivated primarily by corruption and discrimination based on socioeconomic class, since mostly lower- and middle-class persons lost their homes and property. Once vacated, authorities sold these properties to wealthy persons with connections to government officials. FCTA officials had previously announced an August 31 date for the demolitions. The FCTA argued the communities presented security and health risks, but many civil society groups and residents suspected Abuja property development interests had provided the real reason behind the demolitions.

The FCTA did not continue with further demolitions by year's end. AI estimated that 10, to 20, people were forced out of their homes, many without any notice of the impending demolitions. Local civil society groups and AI contended that authorities did not offer most residents alternative housing or emergency shelter. On July 16, Lagos State government authorities, in cooperation with the Nigeria Police Force, began demolishing dwellings in the waterfront community of Makoko, rendering upwards of several thousand people homeless. Police shot and killed one community leader during the course of the demolitions.

After residents and civil society groups complained and international media brought heightened attention to the demolitions, government authorities halted the clearance of Makoko. In November and December, Makoko community leaders received conflicting signals from the Lagos State government; the Lagos Ministry of Physical Planning expressed interest in helping residents improve infrastructure in Makoko, while the Lagos Taskforce on Environment and Special Offences stated its intention to proceed with the clearance of the community.

The issue was not resolved by year's end. The JTF committed numerous killings during the year. The government claimed these JTF members faced disciplinary charges, but there were no reported cases in which a JTF member faced a discharge or criminal charges. Security forces used excessive force in the pursuit of Boko Haram suspects, often resulting in arbitrary arrest, detention, torture, or extrajudicial killing of civilians.

For example, on March 9, members of the JTF shot and killed Ali Muhammad Sadiq while he and others sought shelter in the service pit of a gasoline station in Kano following an earlier Boko Haram attack on a police station in the city. The Niger Delta region is home to a large oil industry that has a maximum production capacity of approximately 2. However, during the year, floods, oil theft, and pipeline sabotage lowered production to approximately 2.

From to , militant groups used violence, including kidnapping oil company workers, as part of a campaign to demand greater control of the region's resources. In June the government announced a general and unconditional amnesty for militants in the Niger Delta, and almost all major militant leaders accepted the offer by the October deadline. Although the amnesty led to a sharp decline in attacks by militants, kidnapping for ransom, armed robberies, gang wars, and fighting connected to the theft of crude oil, known as illegal oil bunkering, continued and contributed to the region's general insecurity and lack of economic vitality.

By year's end 26, former militants had benefitted in some way from the amnesty program. Many former militants received vocational training and stipends. At year's end 5, former militants were undergoing vocational training, with 1, attending courses abroad. The amnesty program resulted in a sharp decline in militant violence in the region.

Some observers expressed concern, however, the militants used amnesty payments to purchase more arms. The government's amnesty program reduced the level of conflict for much of the year. Disagreements arose between former militants and the government concerning who qualified for the amnesty program, the amount of cash payments, the availability of vocational training, and continued possession of arms by former militants.

On multiple occasions groups claiming to be former militants protested to the federal government over treatment of former militants. For example, on July 30, hundreds of former militants staged a mass protest in Benin City, Edo State, demanding payment of their allowance. On August 22, a group claiming to be former militants protested outside the Federal Secretariat in Abuja demanding to be included in a new phase of the amnesty program.

There was widespread suspicion many of those demanding inclusion in the program were probably not militants. Criminal gangs, called "cults" in some parts of the region, copied the methods of more sophisticated militants to amass wealth and power. In a recent trend, kidnappers targeted businessmen, doctors, teachers, religious leaders, foreign residents, and others. Gangs extended their reach beyond the Niger Delta states, where they originated as politically sponsored thugs to intimidate opponents and aid election rigging.

Kidnappings committed primarily for ransom increased throughout the country, including in the North see section 6. In recent years power struggles between gangs resulted in extensive property damage and hundreds of deaths, including of civilian bystanders. Killings : On July 27, suspected pirates off the coast of Bayelsa State attacked an Agip Eni oil boat, killing at least one employee and possibly others working on the boat. On November 26, dozens of gunmen attacked the police SARS detention center on the outskirts of Abuja in the Federal Capital Territory, killing two policemen and aiding the escape of at least 30 detainees, including many suspected Boko Haram members.

Boko Haram splinter group Jama'atu Ansarul Muslimina Fi Biladis Sudan Ansaru later claimed responsibility for the attack in an e-mail to media outlets. The group claimed the aim of the attack was to free Muslims captured "by the Nigerian security or by the Christians in Plateau State. Boko Haram committed drive-by shootings and bombings; targeted killings of security personnel, local officials, religious leaders, and political figures; bombed churches; threatened, attacked, and bombed media outlets; coordinated attacks on police stations, military facilities, prisons, and banks; and conducted suicide bombings during the year, which resulted in the deaths of hundreds of persons.

The rate of violent deaths at the hands of Boko Haram increased during the year to record levels. On January 20, Boko Haram militants launched a coordinated assault on police stations and other government offices in Kano. The attackers employed assault rifles, car bombs, and other explosives in the attacks. The attacks killed between and persons, many of whom were civilians. On April 8, a Boko Haram suicide bomber attacked a church in Kaduna during Easter services, leaving 25 to 40 dead and many more wounded.

On April 26, a Boko Haram suicide bomber attacked the This Day newspaper office in Abuja, killing seven people and injuring numerous others. A Boko Haram spokesman claimed the group targeted the newspaper because This Day defamed the Prophet Muhammad during a beauty pageant in Kaduna. The spokesman also threatened other news outlets.

The June 17 bombing of three churches in Kaduna State resulted in 20 to 50 killed and many more wounded. The attack sparked Christian reprisal attacks against Muslims in the surrounding areas, which resulted in up to another 50 deaths. A Boko Haram spokesman had announced that the group would make June the bloodiest month yet after a March statement by President Jonathan that Boko Haram would be gone by June.

On July 13, a year-old suspected Boko Haram militant wearing a suicide vest detonated a bomb at the Central Mosque of Maiduguri.

Abductions : Government authorities responded to kidnappings in the Niger Delta by deploying the JTF, which reportedly used excessive force and engaged criminals in gun battles. During the year criminals continued to kidnap the relatives usually children or parents of prominent politicians for ransom or to force payment for services such as protection details and voter intimidation during elections.

An increasing number of kidnappings had links with terrorism. For example, on December 19, 30 gunmen in Katsina State stormed the residence of a French engineer who worked for energy firm Vergnet. The gunmen killed one security guard and a neighbor during the attack. On December 23, the radical Islamist group Ansaru announced it had kidnapped the French citizen over proposed French military action in Mali against Islamist groups and the French ban on the full face veil known as the niqab.

Ansaru continued holding the French hostage at year's end. On January 26, gunmen kidnapped a German engineer at a road construction site outside Kano. On June 1, the captors shot and killed the hostage during a JTF raid on the house where he was held. Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Mahgreb claimed responsibility for his kidnapping and murder. A JTF spokesman claimed security forces did not know the German was in the building and that the operation was not a rescue operation but was intended to kill or capture a terrorist leader thought to be residing in the area.

Reports suggested boys as young as 11 were paid to fight for Boko Haram, plant bombs, and serve as suicide bombers. Witnesses of the June 17 suicide bombing of the Shalom Church in Kaduna described the suicide bomber as "young. Other Conflict-related Abuses : Human rights groups and the media reported cases of security forces raping women while conducting raids to discover Boko Haram suspects.

Both the AI and HRW catalogued accounts from witnesses who claimed they witnessed security forces raping women during raids. The groups also collected such accusations directly from women who alleged security force members had raped them while conducting operations. Although the constitution and law provide for freedom of speech, including for members of the press, the government sometimes restricted these rights in practice.

Security forces beat, detained, and harassed journalists, sometimes for reporting on sensitive issues such as political corruption and security. Journalists were killed in the field while reporting stories. Journalists practiced self-censorship, and local NGOs claimed newspaper editors and owners did not report some killings and other human rights abuses, due in part to intimidation by security forces.

Militant groups such as Boko Haram threatened, attacked, and killed journalists in connection with their reporting of the sect's activities see section 1. Freedom of Speech : The constitution entitles every individual to "freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference.

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For example, on October 24, police in Bauchi State arraigned civil servant Abbas Ahmed Faggo before a court for allegedly defaming the character of Governor Isa Yuguda. The state attorney general and commissioner of justice requested the police investigate claims that, on September 4, Ahmed posted messages on his Facebook account accusing the governor of spending public funds on his son's wedding. On November 4, the court discharged Faggo, but media reported the state government fired him later that month. Freedom of Press : On May 1, Freedom House released its annual survey of media independence, Freedom of the Press , which described the press in Nigeria as "partly free.

Because newspapers and television were relatively expensive and literacy levels low, radio remained the most important medium of mass communication and information. Violence and Harassment : Security forces beat, detained, and harassed journalists. On numerous occasions security forces and police arrested and detained journalists who criticized the government.

Reporting on matters such as political corruption and security issues proved to be particularly sensitive. On December 24, security forces without warrants raided the homes and offices of editor Musa Muhammad Awwal and reporter Aliyu Saleh of the Hausa-language weekly newspaper Al-Mizan. Security forces confiscated their laptops, cell phones, and detained the pair and their wives. On January 1, security forces released them but did not return their equipment.

Human rights activists believed they were detained on account of an Al-Mizan front page story that alleged security forces were involved in the extrajudicial killing of suspected Boko Haram militants, although they were never given an official reason for their detention. On August 9, staff of Lagos State University Teaching Hospital's mortuary beat a photojournalist, Benedict Uwalaka, from Leadership Newspapers for taking photographs of corpses from the DANA airlines crash while the bodies were being released to family members.

Security and the public watched but did nothing to stop the attack. Police arrested the attackers two days later on the order of the Lagos State governor, while the Lagos State command commissioner of police, Umar Manko, began a formal investigation into the case. On August 31, one of the assailants was officially arraigned in court on a two-count charge of assault and destruction of Uwalaka's camera.

The suspect pled not guilty on both counts, and a court date was set for February Politicians and political parties harassed and attacked journalists perceived as reporting on them or their interests in a negative manner. During local and state elections, journalists were intimidated or attacked for covering certain election-related events. On January 20, Henry Ibya sued Benue State Governor Gabriel Suswam and the commissioner of police over illegal detention and harassment from December 21, , into January, after he had filed a story about the governor's wife.

The police had detained Ibya's wife and his father to force him to appear after he went into hiding. Journalists received death threats during the year see section 2. Journalists were killed while reporting stories. Journalists also were at risk of abduction. For example, on June 6, assailants dragged editor of Imo Broadcasting Corporation Chief Ndubuizu Ugorji out of his car and abducted him.

Ugorji was released less than a week later. It was not clear if the abductors were motivated by his status as a journalist. Censorship or Content Restrictions : Journalists practiced self-censorship. Local NGOs claimed security forces intimidated newspaper editors and owners, which led them to censor some reports of killings and other human rights abuses.

The law requires local television stations to limit programming from other countries to 40 percent and restricts foreign content of satellite broadcasting to 20 percent. The National Broadcasting Commission's NBC prohibition of live broadcasts of foreign news and programs remained in force but did not apply to international cable or satellite services. The Voice of America was not allowed to broadcast programs through local affiliate stations, as in other countries in the region.

The government controlled much of the electronic media through the NBC, which was responsible for monitoring and regulating broadcast media. Radio stations remained susceptible to political censorship and attacks by political groups. For example, in January some media figures alleged the NBC warned radio stations not to broadcast stories about the fuel subsidy protests. This limited the circumstances in which media defendants could rely on the defense of "fair comment on matters of public interest" and restricted the right to freedom of expression.

Penalties for defamation of character included two years' imprisonment and possible fines. Nongovernmental Impact : Boko Haram threatened media outlets and killed members of the press. During the year the group threatened to kill journalists and attack media outlets that failed to report what Boko Haram believed to be authentic stories about the group.

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For example, on March 11, a Boko Haram spokesperson threatened the National Accord , Vanguard , and Tribune after the newspapers attributed statements to Boko Haram the group claimed it did not make. On April 26, suicide bombers simultaneously attacked the Abuja and Kaduna offices of the This Day newspaper, resulting in the deaths of seven people. A May 1 statement from a Boko Haram spokesman claimed it carried out the attacks because the newspaper dishonored the Prophet Muhammad during a beauty pageant held in Kaduna in On September 6, following Boko Haram attacks on cell phone towers, the sect threatened reporters working at the VOA for their role in "harming" Islam.

There were few government restrictions on access to the Internet or credible reports the government monitored e-mail or Internet chat rooms. The Gallup Poll found 20 percent of individuals used the Internet at least once a week; 91 percent of users accessed the Internet via mobile devices. Several Internet news sites critical of the government experienced server problems, which site owners attributed to government interference. Such disruptions usually lasted a few hours. The federal government continued to restrict academic freedom by controlling elementary and secondary curriculums, including mandating religious instruction.

The constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly; however, the government occasionally banned gatherings when it concluded their political, ethnic, or religious nature might lead to unrest. In areas that experienced societal violence, police and security forces permitted public meetings and demonstrations on a case-by-case basis. Security forces used excessive force to disperse demonstrators during the year, resulting in numerous deaths and injuries also see section 1.

Open-air religious services held away from places of worship remained prohibited in many states, due to fears they might heighten interreligious tensions. During national strikes and protests over the removal of fuel subsidies in January, numerous states, including Lagos, Enugu, Niger, and Kano, and the Federal Capital Territory, banned or broke up largely peaceful protests, citing fears the organizers planned to incite violence.

For example, on April 30, the Ondo State Police Command banned political rallies and campaigns until three months before the October 20 gubernatorial elections. Police said the ban was to avoid a crisis between political parties. The constitution and law provide for the right to associate freely with other persons in political parties, trade unions, or other special interest organizations, and the government generally respected this right in practice. The constitution and law allow the free formation of political parties.

The constitution and law provide for freedom of internal movement, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation; however, security officials restricted freedom of movement at times by enforcing curfews in areas experiencing terrorist attacks and ethnoreligious violence. Despite the IGP's order for police to dismantle all roadblocks, illegal roadblocks and checkpoints remained, often to help police extort money from travelers.

Security officials continued to use excessive force at checkpoints and roadblocks. The Eligibility Committee, on which the UNHCR had observer status, governed the granting of refugee status, asylum, and resettlement, and it also reviewed refugee resettlement. In-country Movement : During the year state officials imposed dusk-to-dawn curfews in response to sectarian conflicts. For example, authorities imposed curfews in July and August in areas of Kaduna and Plateau states, following reprisal attacks and ethnoreligious violence.

At various times throughout the year the federal, state, or local governments imposed curfews or otherwise restricted movement in Bauchi, Borno, Kano, Kaduna, Kogi, Plateau, and Yobe states in the aftermath of Boko Haram attacks. Numerous states also imposed curfews or otherwise restricted movement during the January fuel subsidy protests. Exile : There are no legal grounds for forced exile, and there were no examples of formal legal proceedings to exile a citizen.

However, some citizens chose self-exile for political reasons. There was no national registration of internally displaced citizens and no accurate count, although the NCFR estimated the number to be approximately one million. There were many causes of displacement, including boundary and border disputes, sectarian and communal violence, localized political violence, forced evictions, conflict in the Niger Delta and Plateau State, Boko Haram attacks in the North, the government's use of force in its efforts to eliminate extremist sects, altered cattle grazing patterns due to weather change, and major flooding in the Northwest and Northeast.

The government's response to IDPs remained uneven, depending on the state affected. Federal NCFR budgets did not cover the need, and state and federal emergency management resources were inadequate. Boko Haram attacks and JTF responses to these attacks resulted in a continuous movement of persons between communities throughout the North, and from the North to the South throughout the year. Many cities, including Maiduguri, Kano, and Damaturu, experienced an exodus of residents who vacated in fear of Boko Haram attacks, security force responses, and battles between the two.

These IDPs largely sought refuge with family members in other communities and were not supported by the government. Unverified reports suggested many Christians in the predominately Muslim North fled to the predominantly Christian South. To a lesser degree, Muslims residing in the South were also reported to have fled to the North or to have sought refuge in local police barracks out of fear of reprisal attacks by Christians. No reliable estimate of the number of IDPs resulting from Boko Haram violence was available by year's end.

Ethnic disputes over land and political power along the borders of Benue, Taraba, and Nasarawa states resulted in violence, destruction of property, and the displacement of hundreds of persons. The federal government deployed mobile police units to affected areas to prevent further violence.

Beginning in early , as many as 1, fishermen and their families from the Bakassi Peninsula sought refuge near Calabar due to reported violence committed by Cameroonian police forces.

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The peninsula formed part of the lands the International Court of Justice ICJ awarded to Cameroon in , and which Nigeria formally transferred to Cameroonian control in , pursuant to the Greentree agreement to settle the disputed land border between the two nations. Cross River State provided permanent housing and services to some of the displaced citizens, although no official statistics were available. On October 10, the year window for the Nigerian government to appeal the decision expired. The government reaffirmed its commitment to the ICJ decision and did not file an appeal, despite coming under pressure from some political leaders from the South.

Access to Asylum : The law provides for the granting of asylum or refugee status, and the government established a system for providing protection to refugees. In practice the government provided protection against the expulsion or return of refugees to countries where their lives or freedom would be threatened on account of their race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.

According to the UNHCR, the country had 3, refugees, with another 1, asylum seekers at year's end. Most of these refugees came from Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Nigerian border posts did not include UNHCR information booths to facilitate the arrival of potential asylum seekers. Nigerian Immigration Service officials were trained on the rights of asylum seekers, the principle of nonrefoulement, and identification of relevant cases, and to disseminate relevant information to potential asylum seekers. However, refugees, like citizens, had poor access to the police and courts and few opportunities for employment.

Durable Solutions : As a result of repatriation and local integration, overcrowding in refugee camps decreased during the year. In authorities decommissioned the camp at Oru, near Lagos, although refugees continued to occupy buildings without permission. On June 30, the government, in line with UNHCR policy, invoked the cessation clause for 5, Liberian refugees remaining in the country; most chose to remain. Temporary Protection : The government also provided temporary protection to a few hundred individuals who may not qualify as refugees. Section 3. The constitution and law provide citizens with the right to change their government peacefully through periodic, free, and fair elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.

Overall, authorities conducted credible general elections in April Some candidates alleged fraud and filed petitions before election tribunals, which upheld some results while overturning others. Such fraud and continued election irregularities abridged citizens' right to change their government to a limited extent. Recent Elections : The government held presidential, gubernatorial, and legislative elections in April The elections were scheduled to begin on April 2, but logistical challenges caused the INEC to delay the start until April 9.

Thirty-seven parties participated in the legislative elections. The INEC initially estimated a voter turnout as high as 75 percent, although this number in fact varied from 20 to 60 percent, depending on the region. The legislative elections returned only approximately one-third of incumbents in either house, and opposition parties gained many seats. International observers witnessed generally calm and orderly voting at many polling stations.

The presidential election was held on April 16, President Jonathan, who had assumed the presidency in May following his predecessor's death, and Vice President Mohammed Namadi Sambo were elected to new four-year terms. Twenty parties were listed on the ballot in the presidential election. The INEC estimated a voter turnout of 35 percent of the approximately 70 million registered voters. Project Swift Count , a group of four domestic civil society organizations, conducted parallel vote tabulations and reported President Jonathan received Project Swift Count deployed field observers to 1, polling units in all local government areas in all 36 states and the FCT.

Election observers judged the presidential election to be more organized than the legislative elections and largely free, fair, and transparent. However, observers reported some election precincts experienced fraud and electoral irregularities, including vote rigging and buying, underage voting, ballot stuffing, late openings and overcrowding of polls, insufficient voting materials, and intimidation and political violence.

On election day a bomb explosion at a polling station in Maiduguri, Borno State, killed two persons, and in Delta State police shot and killed two individuals during an interparty dispute at a polling station. Political violence occurred at federal, state, and local levels, as well as within political parties. In some cases before and after the election period, violence stemmed from rivalries and competition between political candidates. However, immediately following the April 16 presidential election, supporters of opposition CPC candidate Buhari began protests of President Jonathan's victory that led to an outbreak of violence in the North and the Middle Belt states.

Incidents ranged in severity and included mass protests, machete attacks, prison breaks, and the burning of businesses, places of worship, houses, and government offices. Rioters targeted local opponents, political rivals, and innocent bystanders. The violence claimed lives, damaged property, and led to restrictions on movement. HRW stated election-related violence resulted in more than deaths and displaced an estimated 65, persons in the 12 northern states. Police put total deaths from the violence at In October the government released the report on postelection violence of the Presidential Committee on the Election Violence and Civil Disturbances.

Retired grand qadi Sheikh Ahmed Lemu led a panel that investigated the causes of postelection violence and developed recommendations to prevent such occurrences in the future. The panel found the causes of the violence included widespread public desire for change following failed promises to fix infrastructure, corruption, zoning policies that turned the election into an ethnoreligious contest, rumor mongering and negative campaigning, the failure of the government to enact previous panel recommendations, and the individual actions of some candidates.

The report specifically identified CPC candidate Buhari as contributing to the violence. The panel found his comment to supporters to "guard their vote" was "misconstrued by many voters to include recourse to violence which they did. During the courts continued to hear and adjudicate cases related to the April elections.

The CPC petitioned to have election results overturned in 20 states. In November the Presidential Election Tribunal upheld the presidential election results. In April election rioters in Giade, Bauchi State, killed seven National Youth Service Corps members who manned polls on election duty, a policewoman, and two businessmen. A Bauchi magistrate court presided over the case, which included 20 suspects connected with the killings, as well as 21 others suspected of other postelection murders. The case remained in court at year's end. Extremists also contributed to the political violence.

Political Parties : Establishing a political party remained relatively easy if supporters paid the required fees. Parties generally formed around individuals rather than ideological grounds. Allegations continued the PDP established new parties to confuse voters with large numbers of candidates. Membership in the majority party, PDP, conferred advantages, primarily in employment.

On occasion police arbitrarily arrested opposition leaders or opposing voices within the PDP. In January police arrested three national officers of the ACN and one member of the technical committee for allegedly holding an unlawful gathering after the party's convention to elect Cross River State executive officers. Participation of Women and Minorities : Men continued to account for more than 90 percent of the country's appointed and elected officials in more than ministerial and national assembly positions. To promote national unity and loyalty, the law mandates the composition of the federal, state, and local governments and their agencies, as well as the conduct of their affairs, reflect the diverse character of the country.

The Jonathan administration demonstrated this diversity. President Jonathan is an Ijaw from the southern state of Bayelsa, the vice president is a Hausa Fulani from the northern state of Kaduna, the senate president is an Idoma from the central state of Benue, and the speaker of the house is from the northwest state of Kebbi. The government attempted to balance other key positions among the different regions and ethnic groups; however, with more than ethnic groups, ensuring representation of every group in the government was difficult.

The majority PDP also engaged in "zoning" for many key positions, a practice of rotating positions within the party among the different regions and ethnic groups to ensure each region was given adequate representation. The practice of zoning became an issue because Jonathan's transition from vice president to president after the death of former president Yar'Adua, a northerner, upset the prior rotational scheme.

The law provides criminal penalties for official corruption; however, the government did not implement the law effectively, and officials frequently engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. Massive, widespread, and pervasive corruption affected all levels of government and the security forces.

The constitution provides immunity from civil and criminal prosecution for the president, vice president, governors, and deputy governors while in office. There was a widespread perception judges were easily bribed and litigants could not rely on the courts to render impartial judgments. Citizens encountered long delays and alleged requests from judicial officials for bribes to expedite cases or obtain favorable rulings.

Police corruption remained rampant. Reports of checkpoint bribery and shooting incidents decreased in February after newly appointed Inspector General of Police Mohammed Abubakar announced the closure of all police checkpoints across the country; however, illegal checkpoints remained common in some regions. Police routinely stopped drivers who did not commit traffic infractions, refusing to allow them to continue until they paid bribes. The Office of the Inspector General of Police attempted to strengthen the Police Monitoring Unit, which was charged with visiting police stations to search officers for signs of accepting bribes; however, the unit remained ineffective and made no arrests by year's end.

Citizens could report incidents of police corruption to the NHRC; however, the NHRC did not act on such complaints during the year, and no other mechanism existed to investigate security force abuse see section 5. In HRW released Everyone's in on the Game , a report on corruption and human rights abuses by the police. HRW compiled information from interviews and documented pervasive police extortion committed with impunity by police officers throughout the country.

Police demanded bribes, threatened arrest and physical harm, and enforced a system of "returns" in which officers must pay up the chain of command a share of the money they extorted from the public. This system undermined the rule of law and created a large disincentive for superior officers to hold their subordinates accountable for extortion and other abuses. On January 14, police arrested the suspected mastermind of the Boko Haram Christmas Day bombing. The following day he escaped, reportedly in broad daylight and while still wearing handcuffs.

Authorities later arrested, detained, suspended, and dismissed a police commissioner for his alleged role in the escape. The police commissioner eventually gained release from custody, and there were no further updates on the case. Public officials, including the president, vice president, governors, deputy governors, cabinet ministers, and legislators at both federal and state levels , must comply with financial disclosure laws, including the requirement to declare their assets to the Code of Conduct Bureau CCB before assuming and after leaving office.

Violators risked prosecution, but cases rarely came to conclusion. On June 24, the president refused the request. The President's Office and the PDP contended President Jonathan declared his assets in compliance with the provisions of section 1 of the constitution and submitted them to the CCB prior to his assumption of office, and there was no stipulation requiring publication of the information. The president had not released information on his assets by year's end, insisting the law required declaration of assets but not publication of the report.

The constitution calls on the CCB to "retain custody of such declarations and make them available for inspection by any citizen of Nigeria on such terms and conditions as the National Assembly may prescribe. The court disagreed and ruled against the National Assembly. National Assembly members had not disclosed their assets by year's end. In August the CCB began the process of verifying personal assets of the 36 state governors and those of serving ministers.

The tribunal gave these officials three months to declare all personal assets. In October the Code of Conduct Tribunal commenced the trial of former governor of Lagos State Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who allegedly failed to disclose multiple foreign bank accounts he maintained while serving as governor. In December the court dismissed his case. Despite this wider mandate the ICPC had only achieved 60 convictions since its inauguration in The replacement of the EFCC's internationally respected chairman, Nuhu Ribadu, and transfer of many of its senior personnel raised questions about the government's commitment to fighting corruption.

After he assumed office, the EFCC under Lamorde continued or brought new cases against 12 nationally prominent public officials. Despite the arrest of several high-ranking officials by the EFCC, allegations continued that agency investigations targeted individuals who had fallen out of favor with the government, while those who were in favor continued their activities with impunity. The report examined the EFCC's record of conviction and prosecution of members of the political elite implicated in corruption under Ribadu and his replacement, Waziri.

The report found that although the EFCC had done a competent job of prosecuting apolitical financial crimes, it had less success in high-profile political corruption cases. On April 18, a House of Representatives Committee led by Representative Farouk Lawan and charged with investigating the fuel subsidy program from to released a report showing massive fraud, corruption, and inefficiencies in the operation of the program.

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